This piece theorizes what I wrote a month ago, American Exceptionalism, on January 6 of this year. That piece was a result of my thoughts as a proud immigrate of thirty-plus years, began my first landing at the San Fransisco International Airport in 1987, and then turned to be a proud U.S. citizen of twenty-two years. Although I have eyewitnessed American politics since President Reagan’s years, this piece is not about party politics. It is about neither patriotism nor nationalism. Instead, it is about human progress in human society.
George F. Will (1941- ) expected The Conservative Sensibility (2019), to be an enduring classic of the American political thoughts, even if it was the time at his most pessimistic view of American politics: “this book is a summon to pessimism,” in his own words. Let us look at his illuminating book title first.
The Conservative Sensibility
“There is a braided relationship between a person’s political philosophy and his or her sensibility, meaning a proclivity for seeing and experiencing the passage of time and the tumult of events in a particular way. Which comes first? Perhaps, in most cases, neither; they evolve entwined and are mutually reinforcing. (Boldfaced at my liberty.) A sensibility is more than an attitude but less than an agenda, less than a pragmatic response to the challenge of comprehensively reforming society in general.” (Page xvi of The Conservative Sensibility.)
Sensibility comes from human body organs, whereas logic is the quality of human metaphysics. As indicated in the boldface inside the quotation above, the human’s body and mind are synchronized, or, at least, entwined and mutually reinforcing. How precisely could one say it better than that!
“The conservative sensibility, especially, is best defined by its reasoning about concrete matters in particular societies. (Boldfaced at my liberty.) The American conservative sensibility, as explained in this volume, is a perpetually unfolding response to real situations that require statesmanship–the application of general principles to untidy realities. Conservatism does not float above all times and places. The conservative sensibility is relevant to all times and places, (boldfaced at my liberty,) but it is lived and revealed locally, in the conversation of a specific polity. The American conservative sensibility is situated here; it is a national expression of reasoning, (boldfaced at my liberty) reveled in practices.” (Page xvi of The Conservative Sensibility.)
Logic in our language reveals the quality of our reasoning about concrete matters. It is relevant to all times and places, which are the a priori knowledge assisting our understanding of whatever concrete matters at hand. A national expression of reasoning, again as indicated in the boldface inside the quotation above, is about sharing among people who have a common understanding. Further, it is as guidance in American politics.
Conservatism is about the conservation of wisdom. Or it is nothing of much lasting significance. “The proper question for conservatives is: What do you seek to conserve? The proper answer is concise but deceptively simple: We seek to conserve the American Founding. (Again, boldfaced at my liberty.)” (Page xvii of The Conservative Sensibility.) In fact, American Founding is American Exceptionalism.
American Exceptionalism
“Beyond the reach of majorities.”
Given as an excellent example, George Will pointed out how Lincoln’s rise to greatness via his reasoning with the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854). Introduced by Illinois senator Stephen A. Douglas, empowered the residents of those two territories to decide whether or not to have the institution of slavery, the Kansas-Nebraska Act was based on the principle of “popular sovereignty.” Lincoln disagreed with such a principle of the majority rule, which seemed an essential point of American politics.
Lincoln’s reasoning, via Lincoln-Douglas debates, is the all-time best proof of the aphorism “American politics is not about the process but the condition for liberty.” Indeed, it is about human progress.
“American Founding”
Commonly known as a theory of American Exceptionalism, George F. Will listed the three facts about the theory within American Founding as follows.
I. Americans were born exceptionally free from a feudal past, hence free from an established church and an entrenched aristocracy. It gives the raise to Americans exceptionally able to achieve social mobility.
II. America had an exceptional revolutionary war, 1775-1783.
III. Americans codified their Founding doctrines as a natural rights republic in an exceptional Constitution, one that does not say what government must do for them but what government may not do to them. Therefore, American’s central government is exceptionally constructed to limit the discretion of those in power by balancing rival centers of power. (Adapted from page xxvii of The Conservative Sensibility.)